By Alejandro de la Fuente
After thirty years of anticolonial fight opposed to Spain and 4 years of army profession by way of the U.S., Cuba officially grew to become an autonomous republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a flow during which blacks and mulattoes have been good represented, had estimated an egalitarian and inclusive country--a kingdom for all, as Jos? Mart? defined it. yet did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, stay as much as those expectancies? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, govt rules, and various types of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de l. a. Fuente explores the possibilities and obstacles that Afro-Cubans skilled in such components as activity entry, schooling, and political illustration. tough assumptions of either underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted inside of Cuban nationalism and, in flip, Cuban society. This coexistence has continued to at the present time, regardless of major efforts through the progressive executive to enhance the lot of the negative and construct a state that used to be really for all.
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Additional info for A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba)
I have grouped these interpretations into two main categories: a conservative, elite version of race and Cubanness and a radical, popular view. A second section discusses the availability of ideas that, in opposition to the ideal of racial fraternity, legitimized Afro-Cubans’ exclusion from the nation and the creation of a legally deﬁned racial order. A ﬁnal section explores the discourse of whitening, in which elite interpretations of racial democracy and the scientiﬁc racism manufactured in the North Atlantic countries most visibly coincided.
E√orts to organize blacks separately failed not only because of repression but also due to the mainstream parties’ successful campaign to attract Afro-Cuban voters and the pervasiveness of a nationalist ideology that called for all Cubans to be equal. The racist repression against the pic in 1912 became politically viable precisely because a racially deﬁned political party was not compatible with the dominant discourse of a racially inclusive Cubanness. Based on this interpretation of Cubanness, the organization of the party was easily construed as a ‘‘racist’’ act—the Independientes could be accused of having placed race above national identity.
Cautiously, the white leadership of the ﬁrst war for independence—the 1868–78 Ten Years War— moved from an opportunistic defense of slavery to the advocacy of abolition. The ﬁrst constitution of Cuba Libre (1869) had stipulated that all the inhabitants of the republic were free and equal, but it was not until 1871, when the last ordinance approved by the revolutionary authorities concerning freedmen was annulled, that abolition and equality became dominant themes in the nationalist rhetoric. ∂ 26 : the first republic It was to attract blacks to the pro-independence camp that an ideology advocating racial fraternity was further elaborated and systematized.
A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba) by Alejandro de la Fuente