By Lloyd S. Etheredge
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Extra info for Can Governments Learn?. American Foreign Policy and Central American Revolutions
251, Fulbright's memo notwithstanding. Kennedy was vacationing in Florida at the home of Earl Smith, Eisenhower's ambassador to Cuba under Batista and an old family friend. See H. Thomas, The Cuban 32 CAN GOVERNMENTS LEARN? Revolution (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), p. 1309. Smith was passionately anti-Castro and alleged in his memoirs The Fourth Floor: An Account of the Castro Communist Revolution (New York: Random House, 1962), pp. 52-54 that Cuban communists had plotted to assassinate him and that the State Department had confirmed evidence of such a plan.
79. Wise and Ross, The Invisible Government, pp. 13-14; Wyden, Bay of Pigs, pp. 175-176. Use of napalm was ruled out against the Havana area for fear of "concern and public outcry," but it was approved for the beachhead area. The restriction probably reduced the effectiveness of the D-2 strikes. See Taylor Operation ZAPATA, pp. 95, 346. 80. To retain security, the CIA (probably wisely) did not alert the indigenous Cuban underground. Earlier writers were unaware of the CIA's independent radio operator net, controlled separately from the Cuban underground, that was to be used.
65. Schlesinger, A Thousand Days, chapters 1-6; also Wyden, Bay of Pigs, p. 316, makes the case for such learning. 66. I discuss the risk reduction logic of this decision process further in chapter 6. 67. Rusk was equivocal, but Kennedy perceived him to be a supporter. See Wyden, Bay of Pigs, p. 305. For Berle's views, see A. Berle, "The Cuban Crisis: Failure of American Foreign Policy" Foreign Affairs 39 (October 1960): 40-55. 68. Note that Kennedy had received a long memorandum, via Schlesinger, from Harvard professors John Plank and Bill Barnes, also strongly arguing against the invasion.
Can Governments Learn?. American Foreign Policy and Central American Revolutions by Lloyd S. Etheredge